South Korea’s Constitution guarantees freedom of religion and declares that religion and politics shall be separated. But as political rhetoric intensifies and minority religious groups face growing scrutiny, concerns are mounting over whether the government is upholding its constitutional duty of religious neutrality.

Article 20 of South Korea’s Constitution establishes both freedom of religion and the separation of religion and politics. Yet the Constitution offers limited guidance on how this principle should be applied in every circumstance, leaving room for conflicting interpretations.

That ambiguity has become increasingly significant as government officials address allegations involving religious organisations, including Shincheonji and the Unification Church.

The state has a legitimate responsibility to investigate suspected criminal conduct. But critics argue that there is an important distinction between investigating specific alleged crimes and making broad judgments about particular religions or their beliefs.

Recent controversies have raised questions about whether minority religions are being treated fairly.

In January 2026, Shincheonji accused the government of targeting the organisation and argued that official rhetoric portraying a particular religion as a “social harm” raised serious constitutional concerns. These claims represent Shincheonji’s position.

Meanwhile, the prosecution of Unification Church leader Hak-ja Han over alleged political funding and bribery illustrates the broader tensions surrounding religion and political influence. Han was convicted and sentenced to two years in prison on 31st August 2026, and the church has said it will appeal.

The issue is not whether religious organisations should be above the law. They should not. The question is whether the law is being applied equally, regardless of religious affiliation.

South Korea is a religiously diverse society, where major faiths coexist with numerous minority and emerging religious movements.

In such a society, religious freedom cannot simply protect popular religions. Its true test comes when the beliefs involved are controversial or unpopular.

International experts have expressed similar concerns. At a Seoul meeting on 7th August focused on religious and expression freedom, researchers warned about possible erosion of religious neutrality and discrimination against minority faiths.

Thierry Valle, President of Coalition for Freedom of Conscience (CAP LC), described the situation as “gradual erosion rather than a sudden crisis.”

That warning deserves attention.

Religious freedom is rarely lost overnight. It can weaken gradually through political rhetoric, social stigma, unequal treatment, and institutional pressure against unpopular religious minorities.

The government must investigate crime and uphold the law. But constitutional neutrality requires it to distinguish between illegal conduct and religious belief.

A democratic state should be able to say, “This conduct may violate the law.”

It should be far more cautious about saying, “This religion itself is the problem.”

The fundamental question is simple: When the Constitution promises religious freedom for all, will South Korea protect that freedom even for those whose beliefs are deeply unpopular?

South Korea’s Constitution guarantees religious freedom and separates religion from politics. Yet when the principle was established in 1948, its meaning and scope were not clearly defined, leaving the state’s religious neutrality open to interpretation.

Throughout modern Korean history, politics and religion have maintained close ties. Conservative Protestants supported successive governments, while progressive Christians and Catholics played important roles in democratisation and human rights movements. These differing forms of political engagement demonstrate the longstanding influence of religion on Korean politics.

Experts now warn that government involvement in disputes involving groups such as Shincheonji and the Unification Church could undermine religious neutrality.

Constitutional scholar Sang-kyum Kim stressed that religious freedom requires equal constitutional protection for all religious organisations, regardless of their size or popularity.

Public opinion strongly supports equal treatment. A survey of 1001 adults found that 91% believe allegations of political-religious collusion should be investigated by the same standards, regardless of whether the person involved is the president or a ruling- or opposition-party politician.

Among those asked why separation of church and state is not being properly observed, 46.4% cited politicians using religion for elections or political support, compared with 12.5% who cited increased political activity by religious groups.

The message is clear: religious neutrality must apply equally to both religion and government. Nearly 80 years after the principle was enshrined in the Constitution, calls are growing for South Korea to clearly define and consistently enforce the separation of church and state.

Shield of Faith Church in Uganda has authored an op-ed advocating for the release of Shincheonji Chairman ManHee Lee, raising concerns around due process and religious freedom.

With international religious voices also calling attention to his detention, the question remains: Does justice truly apply equally to everyone?

The Gunsan Branch of the Shincheonji Volunteer Group visited about 20 national merit recipients, including Korean War veterans, on 14th August to deliver homemade abalone samgyetang — a nourishing traditional tonic soup made with a whole young chicken stuffed with glutinous rice, ginseng, garlic, and jujubes, then slow-simmered with fresh or canned abalone — and sikhye (rice punch) and check on their well-being during the summer heat.

War veteran Jang (93) said, “It is sometimes troublesome and difficult to prepare a meal by myself in the sweltering heat during the day, but I am really grateful that they brought me Samgyetang directly to my house for Malbok.” Referring to previous home improvements, he added, “I am making good use of the curtains and fans that were installed.”

Volunteer Shin (32) said, “It was meaningful and an honour to meet the war veterans, who are living witnesses of history who defended our country, and to hear vivid stories from their time in the war.”

Gunsan Branch Manager said, “We are grateful to be able to convey our respect, even in this way, to the heroes who dedicated themselves to the nation,” adding, “We will continue to strive to promote the meaning of veterans’ affairs together with the local community.”

Bangladeshi legal professionals, media representatives, and civil society leaders have called for due process and the presumption of innocence to be upheld in the detention of Shincheonji Chairman ManHee Lee, raising concerns about the fairness and justice of the case.

At a Dhaka forum on religious minorities, human rights, and justice, lawyers, journalists, and youth leaders discussed judicial fairness and the treatment of elderly detainees.

Law professor Abdul Awal Khan stressed that pretrial detention should be exceptional under international human rights standards and that due process must apply equally to minorities and majorities. BTV Editor-in-Chief Zahidul Islam urged objective reporting, emphasising that accusations should not be treated as proof of guilt before a final court ruling. Forum president Brahmanda Pratap Barua also highlighted the need to protect elderly detainees' health, dignity, and rights.

Participants adopted a joint statement calling for respect for the presumption of innocence and protection of religious minorities. They plan to submit it to UN human rights bodies and the South Korean Embassy in Bangladesh.

Source: naver.me/Fx2rcnEg

About 25 volunteers from the Changwon branch of the Shincheonji Volunteer Group took part in an environmental cleanup on 22nd August, collecting approximately 410 litres of waste around Changwon Namsan Terminal and nearby Wetland Park.

As part of the “Let Nature Be Green” initiative, volunteers cleaned streets, pavements, flowerbeds and the terminal parking area, focusing on cigarette butts and household waste discarded in less visible areas.

Despite the sweltering heat, the volunteers continued along the route from Gaeumjeong Intersection through Namsan Terminal to Wetland Park. Local merchants encouraged the volunteers for their efforts.

Volunteers from the Shincheonji Volunteer Group Changwon Branch are collecting cigarette butts and household waste in the area around Changwon Namsan Terminal and Wetland Park on 22nd August

Volunteer Do-hyun Lee said the support from nearby shop owners gave him energy and that he hoped to participate in similar activities regularly.

The Changwon branch plans to continue environmental clean-up activities across the region through the “Let Nature Be Green” initiative, which is purposed to restore a pristine natural environment for posterity.

The Guri-Namyangju Branch of the Shincheonji Volunteer Group carried out weekly volunteer activities at the Namyangju Branch of the Korea Association of Persons with Physical Disabilities from 31st July to 21st August.

Sixteen volunteers visited every Friday to support around 60 people with physical disabilities. They helped participants safely use specialised health equipment while providing companionship and friendly conversation.

One participant expressed appreciation, saying, “I’m very grateful that kind and capable volunteers come every Friday to help.”

A Namyangju Branch official also thanked the volunteers for assisting with busy Friday closing duties.

The Guri-Namyangju Branch said the month-long service was meaningful in promoting health, building relationships, and strengthening cooperation with local disability organisations, adding that it plans to continue similar community volunteer activities.

More than 120 members of the Shincheonji Volunteer Group have been supporting flood recovery efforts in Geoje, focusing on private homes and vulnerable households where restoration has been delayed.

From 26th August to 1st September, volunteers visited flood-damaged homes, markets, community facilities, and a religious facility, removing mud, damaged belongings, and waste. In total, they cleared approximately four tonnes of flood debris and restored blocked roads and drainage systems.

On 1st September, volunteers from Masan helped clean two vulnerable households and a senior centre in Irun-myeon, where mud from a nearby mountain had blocked a sewer and village road. Residents expressed gratitude for the volunteers’ efforts, particularly their willingness to travel from outside the area to help.

The Shincheonji Volunteer Group said its priority is helping affected residents return to safe and stable daily lives. Volunteers will continue supporting recovery efforts through 11th September.

Holding a sign that read, “Please protect the life and human rights of the 96-year-old Korean War veteran. I earnestly appeal for an investigation without detention,” Pastor Cho urged the court to make a humanitarian judgment, citing concerns for Lee’s health and human rights.

Reflecting on Jesus’ teaching that “one life is more precious than the whole world,” Pastor Cho said he felt a deep sense of responsibility in speaking out. He described the decision to protest as difficult but said it reminded him of the calling and sense of mission he felt when he first entered seminary.

After the protest, Pastor Cho prayed for Chairman Lee’s freedom and for the current difficulties to become the beginning of “a new history” and peace.

“I hope these hardships will not end as hardships, but will surely become a new history,” he said, expressing hope that the prayers and efforts surrounding the case would ultimately lead to a positive turning point.

Though the protest lasted only an hour, Pastor Cho said he would continue praying for Chairman Lee’s health, freedom, and a favourable outcome from the court.

On the morning of the 3rd, Venerable Yongsan, abbot of Bogwangsa Temple of the Korean Buddhist Jogye Order, held a one-person protest near the courthouse, praying and striking a wooden drum for an hour to call for the release of Shincheonji Chairman ManHee Lee.

Holding a sign calling for Chairman Lee’s basic human rights and an investigation without detention, Venerable Yongsan expressed concern over the prolonged detention of the 96-year-old and urged authorities to proceed with the investigation without custody.

Before the protest, he said, “It is deeply regrettable that an elderly person is being investigated while detained for such a long period.” He added that prolonged detention can cause serious psychological stress and said he would pray for Chairman Lee’s release from custody.

Rather than chanting slogans, Venerable Yongsan spent the hour praying and striking the wooden drum. Reflecting on Chairman Lee’s situation, he said he felt heavy-hearted seeing an elderly person detained for so long and acknowledged that anyone could potentially face injustice.

Based on his observations of Chairman Lee’s activities, he said, “I believe he is someone who has sincerely devoted himself to world peace.” He also noted that religious figures who have spoken out about the matter likely have their own reasons and convictions.

After the protest, Venerable Yongsan emphasised that fundamental rights should be respected throughout the investigation and trial process in a liberal democratic society. He also expressed hope that people from various religious communities would take an interest and raise their voices.

Citizens attending other court proceedings watched the protest and some spoke with him. Despite the attention, Venerable Yongsan remained focused and completed the full hour of prayer.

The protest was intended to raise concerns about the prolonged detention of an elderly suspect and call for an investigation without detention, rather than comment on the outcome of the ongoing investigation or trial.

Former Mongolian Deputy Prime Minister and human rights lawyer Oyunbaatar Tserendash has emphasised that the necessity, proportionality, and specific grounds for the pretrial detention of 95-year-old Shincheonji Chairman ManHee Lee should be carefully examined.

Tserendash stated that pretrial detention is not a punishment, but an exceptional procedural measure that must be justified by concrete circumstances. He stressed that the rule of law requires state agencies, prosecutors, investigators, courts, and defence counsel to protect fundamental rights, human dignity, and due process—regardless of a person's religion, political views, or social status.

He also cautioned against public statements by senior officials regarding ongoing criminal cases. The presumption of innocence applies not only in court but also to statements and actions by public institutions and officials. Authorities should accurately describe a person's legal status and avoid presenting allegations or unconfirmed information as established facts before a final court ruling.

Regarding Chairman Lee's detention, Tserendash said that being accused of a serious crime does not, by itself, justify detention. Courts should establish whether there is a genuine and specific risk of flight or interference with evidence. Factors such as a fixed residence, clear identity, cooperation with investigators, and whether key evidence has already been secured should be considered.

He further emphasised that Chairman Lee's age and health are relevant to the principle of proportionality. Rather than automatically releasing or detaining him based solely on his age or the seriousness of the charges, authorities should determine whether detention is truly necessary and whether less restrictive alternatives could address the identified risks.

Possible alternatives include bail, regular reporting requirements, travel restrictions, passport surrender, and house arrest. Tserendash stressed that the state bears the responsibility of demonstrating that detention is necessary, rather than requiring the individual to prove a right to freedom.

He added that the health, medical needs, and physical and psychological circumstances of people aged 95 or older should receive full consideration.

Tserendash clarified that these principles do not prejudge Chairman Lee's guilt or innocence. Rather, they reflect the fundamental principle that rights should be protected until guilt is finally established, and any restrictions on those rights should be limited to what is legally necessary.

He concluded that the strength of a rule-of-law state is measured not only by its ability to punish wrongdoing, but also by its commitment to justice, due process, and equal protection of fundamental rights.

During Korea’s summer heatwave, volunteers distributed ice-cold drinks, supported vulnerable citizens, and visited Korean War veterans to improve their homes and express gratitude for their service.

From 16th June - 14th August, the ‘Wise Summer Life’ initiative brought together 2633 volunteers, who supported 16,779 people across South Korea. More than 16,232 citizens also took part in campaigns and veterans’ remembrance activities.

Volunteers distributed more than 10,236 drinks, including ice water, watermelon punch, plum tea, and omija tea. They also provided 5542 heatwave-prevention items, including cooling towels, sleeves, fans, emergency kits, and saline glucose.

Beyond distributing supplies, volunteers held heatwave OX quizzes and, in some areas, provided health checks and ear acupuncture services for veterans.

Citizens were invited to write handwritten letters and cards expressing their appreciation for Korean War veterans. 1188 people participated, with many sharing personal memories and reflections.

One citizen in Daegu said, “My father is also a person of merit,” while others spoke about teaching younger generations to remember the sacrifices of veterans. In Cheongpyeong, citizens shared childhood memories of the Korean War, while in Jeongeup, one participant reflected on the value of peace after writing a letter.

Across the country, photo exhibitions, veteran biography displays, patriotic video screenings, and family-friendly activities helped younger generations learn about the veterans’ sacrifices. Customised gifts, including framed handprint maps, National Cemetery photographs, traditional knots, and 52 longevity photo frames, were also presented to veterans.

Volunteers visited 15 veteran households to improve their summer living conditions. They cleaned air-conditioner filters and fans, some of which had accumulated years of dust, and installed curtains and blinds.

They also delivered samgyetang (ginseng chicken soup), fruit, and 218 sets of summer bedding, while spending time talking with veterans and reading letters written by citizens.

One veteran from Suncheon said he was grateful that citizens and students still remembered them. Another veteran from Mokpo said the volunteers’ efforts made him feel that his wartime service had not been forgotten.

The initiative extended beyond heatwave relief and veterans’ activities. Volunteers also supported local farmers and environmental efforts, helping with work on a 300-pyeong chilli field, harvesting 1000 sacks of corn, cleaning around war memorials, and collecting 300 litres of household waste.

The numbers—16,779 people supported, 16,232 citizen participants, and 2633 volunteers—show the scale of ‘Wise Summer Life.’ But its greatest impact was perhaps the connections created between generations.

A bottle of cold water offered with the words “Stay healthy,” a young person discovering a Korean War photograph for the first time, and a veteran smiling while reading a handwritten letter all carried the same message: remembering others and caring for them can become a lasting form of service.

Through ‘Wise Summer Life,’ summer volunteer work became more than heatwave relief—it created a cycle of sharing, remembrance, and gratitude connecting citizens with Korean War veterans.

Source: vo.la/kE6D8WE

Venerable Beopsan, President of the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism, stood in front of the Seoul Central District Court in the rain, striking a wooden Buddhist percussion instrument and calling for the prompt release and granting of bail to Chairman ManHee Lee.

At 8am on the 1st, Venerable Beopsan arrived at the Seoul Central District Court in Seocho-gu, Seoul, carrying a picket sign that read: “Please put life before religion. Please open a path of compassion and human rights for a 95-year-old elderly person. I earnestly appeal for a trial without detention.”

But his appeal went beyond words on a placard. Venerable Beopsan personally brought a wooden Buddhist instrument and expressed his plea through chanting and Buddhist practice, conveying the depth of his concern for Chairman Lee's situation.

Before beginning the protest, Venerable Beopsan said, “It is only natural to help in any way I can, and I am simply grateful that I am able to stand here together with others.” He continued, “I sincerely hope that the Chairman will be released from detention as soon as possible.”

He also remarked on the weather, saying, “Whenever I hold a press conference or protest in Seoul, I feel as though heaven is with us, even when it rains like this.” Explaining why he had brought the wooden instrument, he said he wanted to express those feelings through a familiar form of Buddhist devotion.

Even after the demonstration ended, however, his concern remained. Expressing frustration over the prolonged situation, he said, “I feel deeply frustrated that the issue surrounding the Chairman's arrest has not been resolved more quickly.”

He stressed that the matter should not end with a single protest. “It does not seem that this should end with a one-person protest,” he said. “Until the result we hope for is achieved, we must do something — anything — to ensure that the Chairman is released as soon as possible.”

His concern was so profound that he even raised the possibility of taking more drastic action, asking, “Should I go on a hunger strike?”

Reflecting on his decision to strike the wooden instrument and chant in front of the court, Venerable Beopsan explained, “I did it in the hope that even a small part of my sincerity might reach heaven.”

The demonstration may have been carried out by a single person, but its message extended beyond one individual or one religious community. Through the wooden instrument, chanting, and his appeal for compassion, Venerable Beopsan sought to draw attention to the human-rights concerns surrounding the detention and investigation of a 95-year-old man.

His protest was ultimately an appeal for humanity: that age, dignity, and human rights should not be overlooked, and that the case should be resolved with compassion, fairness, and urgency.

The figure initially circulated in political circles regarding Shincheonji members who had joined the People Power Party ahead of the 20th presidential election was “100,000.” Yet the Joint Investigation Headquarters of the Prosecution and Police reportedly identified 6482 people after comparing the actual Shincheonji Church of Jesus membership list with the People Power Party membership list. Of those, approximately 4560 are reported to have actually participated in the People Power Party's presidential primary.

At the time, approximately 570,000 people participated in that primary. The 4560 Shincheonji members therefore represented just 0.8% of the total. More importantly, the difference between first-place candidate Yoon Suk-yeol and second-place candidate Hong Joon-pyo was 46,177 votes. Even under the assumption that all 4560 voters supported one candidate, the result could not have been overturned.

These figures matter because the original allegation was not merely a numerical error. The difference between “100,000” and “4560” fundamentally changes the scale and potential impact of the alleged intervention. When an allegation of such magnitude is used to portray a religious organisation as capable of determining the outcome of a presidential election, presenting an unverified figure can itself have serious consequences.

The timing of the memberships also deserves scrutiny. Among the subscribers identified by the Joint Investigation Headquarters, 9355 reportedly joined during the presidential primary and immediately before the election, representing 16.6% of the total. The largest group, 35,073 people, reportedly joined during the party leadership primary rather than the presidential election. This creates a significant discrepancy between the narrative of mobilising members to “make a president” and the period in which the largest increase in membership actually occurred.

Yet despite these discrepancies, the consequences have not simply disappeared. ManHee Lee, the 95-year-old Chairman of Shincheonji Church of Jesus, remains in custody while standing trial.

On the 20th and 21st of last month, three people from different religious traditions staged consecutive one-person protests in front of the Seoul Central District Court. Chairman Kim Jun-yeon of the Sungkyunkwan Confucian Association, Monk Beopsan of the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism, and Pastor Lee Jung-kyung of the Interdenominational Presbyterian Church of Korea called for the immediate release of Chairman Lee, arguing that his detention and investigation were unjust.

Chairman Kim Jun-yeon, referring to Chairman Lee’s peace initiatives, emphasised that “the law must be applied to everyone by the same standards.” Pastor Lee Jung-kyung likewise argued that society should not stand by while an elderly person is detained and stigmatised because he belongs to a minority religion. On the 21st, the day of the bail hearing, Venerable Beopsan protested in the rain and bowed three times towards the courthouse gate, while also calling for consideration of prison overcrowding and conditional release.

Their religions were different, but the fundamental concern was the same: what happens when the scale of an allegation is dramatically larger than the facts ultimately established?

This is where the issue becomes one of justice rather than sympathy for a particular religion. A person or organisation should not continue to bear the full weight of an allegation after the factual basis for that allegation has materially changed. Nor should an arrest, investigation, or prosecution itself transform an initial accusation into a settled fact in the public mind.

The reduction from “100,000” to “4560” does not, by itself, establish that an arrest was unlawful or that no offence occurred. Detention must be assessed according to separate legal requirements, including risks such as flight or destruction of evidence. But the reverse is equally important: the existence of an arrest cannot be used to retrospectively validate the original scale or framing of an allegation.

That distinction is essential to justice. The presumption of innocence, equal treatment before the law, and proportionality lose their meaning if the most damaging version of an allegation remains embedded in public consciousness regardless of what subsequent investigation actually establishes.

This is therefore not simply a question of defending or attacking a particular religion. It is a question of whether the immense power of the state — investigation, prosecution, detention, and punishment — is being exercised in proportion to the facts of the case, and whether minority groups receive the same protection of due process as everyone else.

Ultimately, the court will determine the legal facts and responsibility. But another responsibility belongs to the press: to record accurately what was alleged, what was subsequently confirmed, and where the two diverge.

If the numbers changed so dramatically during the investigation, then the original figures and the narrative built around them deserve to be re-examined. If an allegation was amplified before it had been properly verified, those responsible for presenting it must also confront the consequences of that failure.

Because injustice does not occur only when the wrong person is convicted. It can also begin when an unverified accusation is presented as fact, when its scale is exaggerated, and when the correction arrives too late to undo the damage.

The final judgment belongs to the court. But ensuring that allegations do not become “facts” simply through repetition is a responsibility shared by investigators, prosecutors, politicians, and the press. When the numbers change, the narrative must change with them.